A Comparative Analysis

These case studies strongly suggest that some factors significantly influence postsecondary outcomes, more specifically college attendance rates. Here we attempt to understand why some schools perform at higher rates than we expect and others fall far short. In light of our quantitative and qualitative analyses, the performance of High School A remains remarkable given the predictive effects of such variables as poverty rates and CATS performance. Significantly, we found that intangible factors, such as the quality of leadership, the culture leaders foster within a school, the programmatic responses to preparing young people for adulthood, and the cumulative strengths of various sources of social capital are critically important.

Here, we discuss factors that came to our attention while conducting these case studies, from the intangible qualities that we concluded were strongly influencing postsecondary outcomes to external, concrete factors that our multiple-regression analysis also suggests are important to postsecondary performance. We begin with a discussion of leadership, which we conclude is the most critical factor, and the marked differences found in the quality of it at these schools. Indeed, based on these case studies, it is the quality of this intangible factor, above all others, that appears to be the most significant influence on postsecondary outcomes, one that we believe explains remarkable performance and gives rise to hope in places where performance historically has been poor. Subsequent discussions of school culture, communications, guidance counseling, and tools such as special programs and individual graduation plans, arguably, are all products of good leadership. We also discuss the external culture, which for some expected and unexpected reasons, exerts an important influence on the decisionmaking of youth. And, because some researchers believe it has had an increasingly detrimental effect on the academic pursuits of high school students, we also explore the consequences of paid employment for students.

Leadership and Management Style

As with any organization, these schools evidence strengths and weaknesses that clearly reflect the quality of their leadership. While we recognize that school boards play a key leadership role, here we focus exclusively on leadership within the schools. Arguably a reflection of the values that school boards bring to the hiring process, the school’s appointed and natural leaders, however, are ultimately responsible for creating a positive, supportive learning environment. These case studies suggest that the quality of leadership defined in its broadest and most inclusive sense has a powerful influence on the quality of the educational experience and, in turn, on the likelihood that young people will pursue education beyond high school graduation. Because schools are ultimately workplaces that help shape society’s most important product—the men and women of the future—the style of leadership or management appears key to their success.

Many of the management practices advocated by the visionary W. Edwards Deming have now been widely adopted and proven their considerable merit.(1) Rather than the rigidly authoritative management style that had evolved in most U.S. workplaces, Deming, a statistician who advocated the continuous improvement of both product quality and process, believed that to achieve such a desired outcome, it was necessary and desirable to engender the trust and cooperation of all employees and enlist them in the drive to meet mutual goals.(2) Among other things, Deming asserted that managers must demonstrate constant commitment to the goals of their organization, teach it to all employees, promote continuous learning and self-improvement for all, encourage innovation, and drive fear from their workplaces.(3) In the ensuing years following belated U.S. attention to Deming’s theories, to which some credit Japan’s post-World War II economic rise, an explosion of management literature has emerged, and the authoritarian, centralized, command-and-control model has been displaced in some of the nation’s largest and most successful firms, as well as millions of small firms.

That the Kentucky Education Reform Act (KERA) recognized the evolution of management theory is undeniable. Its empowerment of site-based councils, for example, was at least in part based on a recognition that broader parental and community involvement in the decisionmaking process would likely lead to higher levels of performance. Certainly, we found that the more effective these councils were reported to be among the schools in our case study group, the higher the performance of the school. Our lowest performing schools reported having ineffectual site-based councils for which school officials struggled to gain parent participation.

KERA also recognized the importance of setting and achieving high standards and measuring outcomes for which schools should be held accountable. In the years since its enactment, the necessity of providing teachers as well as students with continuous learning opportunities has become an increasingly apparent key to the instructional process. Indeed, a potential early flaw of KERA, by many assessments, was its relative neglect of teacher training or, as Deming’s work suggested, the opportunity to learn the new philosophy. Perhaps most importantly, KERA established a core vision for education in Kentucky, asserting the importance of equity among schools as well as the value of achievement among all students. KERA also recognizes and makes provisions for the need to provide guidance and support to schools and students that fall short as well as recognize those which achieve. In short, KERA is firmly grounded in late 20th century management theory. However, the schools it governs, our findings suggest, are not consistently abiding by its vision.

Indeed, we found stark contrasts in this small group of schools though they do not correlate closely with postsecondary outcomes. In two of the schools, we found that the approach to leadership or management appeared to be more focused on discipline and control, rather than on building trust and relationships with students. In these schools, students expressed considerable resentment and anger, appreciably more than at the other two schools. Understandably, to a far lesser extent, a few teachers either exhibited or expressed varying degrees of alienation at these schools. At High School D, however, a teacher and administrative staff members openly expressed concern about leadership and the overall direction of the school, and the principal expressed distrust of the faculty, indicating that they needed to be kept under close observation. Clearly, in the case of High School D, distrust was widespread.

At High School B, discipline also appeared to be a primary focus for the principal, but trust of and among faculty and staff appeared relatively high though there were exceptions. Many students, however, expressed anger and alienation. While we found offsetting evidence of a strong commitment to the welfare of students at this school, the focus on discipline appeared to be a far too consuming focus.

Unquestionably, we found the most consistently visionary, committed, and creative leaders at High School A. The principal and a core of like-minded formal and informal leaders, including guidance counselors, teachers, the librarian, coaches, family resource center personnel, and others appeared to be having a positive effect at this school. Remarkably, given the size of this school—the largest in the study group—and its diversity—the largest minority student population in the study group—the principal was poised, consistently positive, and proactive. Indeed, he seemed relaxed and comfortable in the role of team leader, and it was evident that the welfare of students was the primary objective of the school.

While High School A had taken important steps to protect students, adopting the recommendations of a safety consultant who recommended some precautionary physical changes at the school, its focus on discipline was secondary, even tertiary, compared to academics. The principal, who is experienced but relatively new to the school, and a number of other natural leaders in the school appeared warm, relaxed, and nonthreatening in their dealings with students. The impression was consistently one of a team of caring people who worked together to serve students. Personnel frequently and spontaneously offered positive remarks about the school.

Students, for the most part, mirrored the positive impressions we had of leadership. While relatively poor performers on standardized tests, the students at High School A appear to differ from those at High Schools B and D primarily in attitude. Students were future-oriented, realistic in their goals, knowledgeable about their options, and motivated to build careers. They appeared to enjoy good relationships with principals, guidance counselors, and members of the faculty. They were not without criticism of poor teachers, those whom they believed did not care about their well-being, but they praised many teachers highly. Students appeared to enjoy close relationships with several members of the faculty, some of whom recounted many of the troubles and transitions they had seen these young people through. The Family Resource Center also appeared to be an important oasis for students where they could find caring, compassionate guidance and help with a range of needs. Clearly, this staff had worked to make a difference in the lives of these young people.

In fact, the leadership team at High School A appeared dedicated to creating a place where students would want to be. Remarkably, music designed to appeal to a range of tastes, from country and western to rap, is sometimes played in the cafeteria during lunch periods. The principal reported that he found it had a calming effect on students. Aside from that, it clearly gave the impression that this space, as well as the rest of the school, belonged to students, a far different impression than was found at High Schools B and D where it seemed that too few people were genuinely concerned about the interests of students.

As with each of these schools, the principal of High School B was relatively new to his post, obviously quite bright, thoughtful, and very talented, but he appeared somewhat detached and overly concerned about discipline. He exhibited no passion for his work. On the days of our site visit, much of the school appeared to lack warmth and a sense of community. At times, in our interactions with both students and teachers, an us-against-them mentality was evident. Although notable, even remarkable exceptions were found, some teachers appeared quite disinterested in their work. The progress of a lesson plan rather than student comprehension was clearly the concern of one teacher; about 70 percent of her students reported that they were failing the class. Students at every grade level expressed considerable alienation and contempt for teachers and for the school’s environment.

High School B’s two guidance counselors, however, appeared to be highly committed to their work, functioning as aggressive surrogate parents who prodded students to pursue scholarship opportunities and do the work necessary to gain admission to and financial assistance for college. Importantly, these guidance counselors were handling an extraordinary volume of work given the size of the student body.

Also relatively new, the principal of High School C showed exemplary leadership skills. She expressed a clear vision of where she wanted to take the school and a realistic assessment of the obstacles to be overcome, not the least of which is a local culture that does not value education highly enough, in her opinion. While exhibiting considerable warmth in her engagement with students, she also appeared to be a firm but flexible disciplinarian. The school has a tough attendance policy that requires students to attend Saturday School after three unexcused absences. “We have students that won’t graduate because they breached our attendance policy,” the school counselor observed. Yet the policy, like the principal, is flexible enough to accommodate the situations some students in this rural county face. High waters in local creeks, for example, often prevent some students from getting to school, and their absences are dealt with differently. The principal’s firmness has helped correct the course of a ship that was wandering way off course in the years preceding her arrival, when numerous fights and other disturbances took place. Discipline, by all accounts, has improved dramatically during her tenure, but the sense of a caring community was the overriding impression of this school.

While no music was playing in High School C’s cafeteria, the ambience was nevertheless warm and family-like, as students from all grades, teachers, the principal, and cafeteria workers interacted freely. From every angle, this appeared to be a school committed to the well-being of its students, to creating a welcoming, compassionate, and supportive environment. The mature, positive young people we met there appeared to be flourishing.

Significantly, the principal expressed little tolerance for personnel who were not committed to quality. During her brief tenure, she reported having fired two teachers rather than retain personnel she found inadequate to the challenge. By contrast, she recounted working closely with the school’s counselor, who had expressed doubts to her about his abilities in that capacity. In the estimation of one veteran teacher who had seen a dozen principals come and go in nearly as many years, “This one is top-notch. We’ve had some who didn’t have the sense to get out of the rain.” Students also give this principal a high rate of approval, referring to her as “great” and “cool,” and suggesting she “actually makes a difference.” By their assessment, which mirrors our own, she is a dynamic leader who, in all likelihood, will improve this school’s profile in the coming years.

Conversely, we found evidence of significant problems with leadership at High School D. Indeed, the difference between this school and the three others in this study group was stark. In private interviews, staff openly criticized the principal. Many expressed doubts and even disdain for the principal’s leadership abilities. One staff member observed that the principal “presents a clear lack of understanding for the overall needs, safety, and welfare of this school and its students.” On the other hand, the principal expressed distrust of the faculty as well as the students, remarking that it was necessary to monitor teachers closely and reporting that a tough disciplinary policy he had enacted had dramatically reduced infractions at the school. However, staff openly questioned the veracity of his assertions and the effectiveness of his policies. Perhaps as a consequence, this school, more so than any in this case study group, appeared cold and institutional even though the facility was the newest.

Remarkably, when asked to describe programs or activities that the school employed to help students prepare for postsecondary education, the principal at High School D suggested we contact selected teachers and ask them the names and descriptions of programs because he had forgotten the specifics. Overall, this principal appeared to spend a good deal of time in his office or, reportedly, off site. During our time on site, he was not available throughout much of the day. Staff described the principal as being detached and disorganized.

Further, by way of explaining the underperformance of the school, the principal’s remarks about students and their parents were consistently negative. He criticized student behavior, values, and limitations, characterizing students as having a “welfare mentality,” as being racist and violent, and as tough to deal with. He also characterized parents as uninvolved and uninterested. Ironically, he captured the likely crux of the problem with leadership at his school in describing what makes a good teacher: “Primarily, you have to like kids, and they have to know you like them, and treat them with respect, dignity.”

Overall, High School D appeared a dysfunctional educational environment, one where the presumption of failure may be undermining the energy of students and faculty alike. Though some of High School D’s teachers are clearly dedicated, highly qualified professionals, the internal culture of this school combined with an external culture that devalues education are, in all likelihood, daunting obstacles that stifle the very creativity and energy needed to reverse present circumstances.

Many students at both High Schools B and D voiced resentment about the over emphasis on discipline, but order and discipline appeared to be a central focus at High School D. From the presence of a police officer on site at High School D to a “zero-tolerance” policy to a student handbook that focused almost exclusively on rules and prescribed punishments for violations, this school’s culture appeared to be defined by a leader whose approach to running the school is, by his own characterization, militaristic and inflexible.

The responses of students to this seemingly myopic focus on discipline were closely akin to those found by Roberts & Kay, Inc., a Lexington-based consulting firm that conducted focus group sessions with middle and high school students in 1997. They found remarkably similar views among students, regardless of the school’s academic profile. Students, the researchers reported, “experience schools as places defined primarily by the search for order and the effort to control students.” Principals, they found, are central to this perception, and regardless of whether students viewed these leaders favorably, they did not connect principals to academic performance,(4) which should presumably be their first priority. In two of the schools examined here, principals themselves appeared to perceive one of their key roles as that of enforcer.

An obvious consequence of leadership that is focused principally on discipline is the dilution of the primary mission of ensuring a high-quality education for all students. With publication of Roberts & Kay’s Turn Up the Volume: the Students Speak Toolkit, the Partnership for Kentucky Schools acknowledges in a cover letter included with the instructional manual, “Students have been left out of the significant research and policy development in our state.”(5) These case studies suggest that they are being left out in other ways as well, that the energies of many key educational leaders may not only be divided by their attentions to discipline but misdirected.

Broadly, these case studies suggest that leadership skills are sorely needed in some high schools and that concerted efforts to cultivate and sustain them are important to student achievement, the educational process, and postsecondary outcomes. Our findings recommend the cultivation of far more inclusive management or leadership styles that consciously involve students, as well as teachers, parents, and the community at large, in the continuous improvement of the educational process and the academic achievement of students. As management theorists and practitioners alike emphasize, leadership is not merely a quality but a process of engaging all relevant parties in the work of shaping a vision of a mutually desired future, outlining and continuously refining the goals that must be met to achieve that vision, and inspiring collaborative, innovative work toward their achievement. Ultimately, these case studies suggest, quality leadership is key to the future of postsecondary outcomes in Kentucky.

An educational system with lofty goals such as those we have set forth for the Commonwealth can ill afford to have the formal leaders of schools preoccupied by day-to-day policing. Further, these case studies suggest that extremely rare incidents—school shootings—have made discipline and control, rather than caring and commitment to the well-being of students, far too routine a focus. Indeed, they appear to be the central focus in some schools. From our observations, the alienation this approach engenders may foster the very hostility that some school leaders appear to fear most.

High School Culture

The culture of these schools, like most, is a product of myriad factors, the most powerful of which are external. Parents and family, their values, and their involvement in the lives of students and the school are widely acknowledged to be the most influential factors in young people’s lives. However, a school’s culture, the way individuals within its environs relate to one another, can positively influence the attitudes of young people and, in many cases, counter negative influences in the home. Ultimately, the transformation of Kentucky’s education status will depend upon its ability to strengthen the positive influences that schools have on young people at critical times in their lives to counter a legacy of devaluing education and, in some cases, the abilities of young people. In short, a fundamental tenet of KERA, that all students can learn and succeed, must not only be a preeminent goal in schools, but one that the school’s culture consistently supports and advances.

Management theorists generally concur that trust, cooperation, and commitment to shared goals characterize the ideal workplace culture. Such a culture is far more likely to yield the energy of new ideas, fresh approaches, experimentation, and dedication to continuous improvement. Among both educators and students, one would expect a positive culture to engender enthusiasm for learning, instill self-confidence, and encourage exploration. However, these case studies suggest that school reform in Kentucky has not substantively changed the culture of Kentucky high schools.

Yet the lives of today’s teenagers have changed dramatically from those of previous generations. Consider, for example, the level of responsibility that high school students now assume for personal finances; the degree of independence many have had to assume throughout their childhoods because both parents work in most households; the ready access that most enjoy to virtually unlimited, often uncensored information; and the social pressures that are fraught with added complexity in a sexually liberated era. In many cases, high school students face these challenges alone. Veteran teachers observed that the increased likelihood of having two working parents has left more young people virtually caring for themselves. “Mom and Dad leave at 6:00 and don’t get back till 6:00.” Perhaps in an effort to compensate, one team of high school counselors observed that parents today appear unwilling to permit their children to be uncomfortable, to have to work hard for things. “It’s easier for the parents to buy the kids off. It’s ‘I don’t have time for you … let me buy you a car.’ ” On the other hand, one veteran teacher observed that she found today’s young people far more compassionate than their counterparts in the past.

The recent work of the National Commission on the High School Senior Year, headed by Governor Paul Patton, reflects the growing awareness that something is amiss in today’s high schools. Indeed, we found that, outside of the presence of computers, yesterday’s approaches are still evident in today’s high schools. Many of the young people we interviewed expressed alienation from their high school, opinions that are often dismissed as natural adolescent reactions, but the consistency of the complaints and the markedly different attitudes of those students who were beneficiaries of concerted efforts to meet their diverse needs suggests new approaches are in order. Indeed, the collective voices of students suggest it is time for a fundamental rethinking of the institution we know as high school.

Teachers, not surprisingly, offered numerous suggestions. One teacher at High School A observed that sending today’s youth to a lecture simply doesn’t work. “They have to have hands on … to see TV, technology.” Another experienced teacher at High School C expressed concern about “cooperative learning” or team approaches that are designed to mirror real-life workplaces. He believes the teaching style further undermines weaker performers. “I have had weak kids who have done more on their own.” Now, he observes, they too easily defer to the stronger and relinquish too much individual responsibility. “They let somebody else do it. Our overachievers do it all.” This widely adopted and recommended teaching method may subtly reward behaviors that many teachers see as a pervasive problem among today’s youth, an impatience that manifests itself in what they characterize as an unwillingness to work without the promise of immediate reward. For those who must struggle more to learn, deferring to the more capable may come all too easily.

Instead of the large classes that are typical of introductory courses, a veteran teacher voiced the belief that critical one-on-one time is needed at the introductory level, particularly in science classes that build on a knowledge base. “The younger-age classes ought to be the smaller ones … there’s a tremendous range of abilities in a class. With juniors and seniors in AP (Advanced Placement) Chemistry, all I have to do is stay out of the way.”

Another teacher pointed to the deficiencies that students have when they arrive at high school as the most compelling inadequacy of today’s educational system. In most need of immediate, concerted attention, he observed, are the poorly developed reading skills that too many young people bring to high school. As a result, he suggested, they are handicapped in every course and, without intensive and successful remedial education, their fates are virtually sealed.

For their part, students offered a litany of complaints, as well as a number of suggestions. They bemoaned the irrelevancy of reading materials, being treated like children, being policed and harassed over minor infractions, the dirt and disarray of one school, the disinterest and indifference of most teachers, and the myriad demands on their lives. The environments of High Schools B and D were characterized by varying levels of distrust. At High School D, distrust appeared pervasive, as several students questioned the motivations of case study interviewers and voiced suspicions that their presence was a threat. But few expressed outright anger. Instead, indifference and passivity appeared commonplace. One young girl slept through the entire class during which interviews were conducted, refusing to raise her head, something other students said she routinely did.

At High School B, many students expressed considerable anger about their treatment and the conditions of the school. Students were required to wear bar-code identification badges to enter the school and assessed a fee for temporary replacement on any day that they happened to forget it, regardless of their economic means. Both the card and the fee were the source of widespread resentment. According to the principal, the identification tags were adopted in response to community concern that surfaced in the wake of the Columbine shootings. But students saw the situation altogether differently, as an absurd exercise that cost them money and did little or nothing to make the school more secure. “If a person is going to pack a gun in, an ID card is not going to stop them," one student observed. Another suggested, “Most administrators and teachers are more worried about your ID than your homework."

At High Schools A and C, however, fresh, positive, supportive cultures were evident in spite of the brief tenure of their leaders, and the link between the leadership and the culture was clear. While there were notable exceptions, students generally expressed high levels of satisfaction with their school and its personnel. While neither school has achieved ideal outcomes—one scores poorly on CATS while the other has very low postsecondary attendance rates—the cultures of these schools appeared to be characterized by trust and shared commitment to the future well-being of students.

In spite of many student complaints, High School B also clearly benefits from the presence of some strong veteran teachers, tenacious counselors, a bright, capable leader, and, reportedly, an active, engaged site-based council. With more focus on student well-being and academic achievement, High School B would likely achieve well above the expected, rather than simply as expected.

In general, however, we find that students are not active participants in shaping the future of education, short- or long-term. These case studies suggest that they should be, that students may in fact possess critical information about what teaching methods and materials work and what do not, who is an effective teacher and who is not and why, and how best to counter disciplinary problems. Only High School D had made an effort to gauge student opinion through a very general survey about a number of school criteria, but no responses to the assessment were reported nor were they evident. High School A officials reported seeking to learn from informal, random surveys about levels of student trust, but we do not know how or if the information is used to improve school relationships.

Importantly, at High Schools A and B, we found a small group of students playing highly effective roles as peer tutors and counselors. The success of these efforts suggests that broader engagement could enable changes in numerous areas, from discipline to academics. For the most part, these are remarkably independent young people who could make a tremendous contribution to the improvement of public schools. Indeed, simple acknowledgement of their perspectives, in most cases, would mark a significant change.

At High School D, we found a dismaying culture, evidenced in the defeatism expressed by faculty and staff we interviewed. The near uniform negativity we encountered, even among clearly dedicated professionals, appeared to affect energy levels and, possibly in turn, the postsecondary decisions of students. Indeed, an element of despair was evident among these professionals, from disdain for the principal’s lack of leadership to frustrations about the poor preparation of students, the overall state of education, and the poor attitudes of parents and students. One staff member suggested that the perceived economic deprivation of the school’s students “hangs like a pall” over the school, providing a convenient blanket excuse for underperformance.

In sharp contrast, High School A’s staff consistently expressed a willingness and even a determination to challenge young people, to raise their expectations by exposing them as much as possible to the opportunities that postsecondary education offered, and to elevate performance on standardized tests. Moreover, they have matched that commitment with a host of alternative strategies designed to respond to the unique needs of their students. The school’s atmosphere was bright, positive, and thoroughly pleasant. Students appeared to be enjoying themselves, to be confident in their opinions and knowledgeable about their future options. Remarkably high levels of parental involvement are reported at the school as well as widespread business community interest, participation in, and contributions to the school.

Beyond the warmth of High School A’s culture, we also saw evidence of the fruits of positive, upbeat attitudes and the creative energy they appear to foster at High School C. Here, for example, incentives are used to encourage attendance in an area that has historically had high dropout rates. Monthly prizes, including pizzas, haircuts, and artificial nails donated by the business community, indicate that this school understands its “customers.” Also, the school has created a reward system, where all these principals complained there is none, for high performance on the CATS tests. High scorers are allowed to bypass final examinations. Throughout the school, a clear sense of students as part of its community was evident in ways that were not discernible at any other school, including High School A. Clearly, this sense of community within the school was, at least in part, a product of the tightly knit rural town where it is located, but it clearly appeared to be making high school a positive experience for most students.

That relatively new leaders were in place at all these schools may explain the absence of a clear relationship between postsecondary outcomes and the culture they are developing. Cultural change generally evolves slowly. Thus, these new leaders have not had sufficient time to influence a school culture, particularly in locations where many students come from homes and families that do not value postsecondary education. However, all of these schools have shown some improvement in postsecondary outcomes during the initial years of these principals’ tenures.

In general, these case studies suggest that if achievement is to rise rapidly in Kentucky, rather than incrementally, the culture of high schools must change, perhaps radically. The same energy that was brought to school reform in Kentucky is needed to enrich the high school experience, counter alienation or what Steinberg calls “disengagement,”(6) strengthen academic performance, and enable social development and a level of maturity equivalent to the responsibilities these young people are assuming. However, too little appears to have changed in these institutions in spite of breathtaking external change. From leaders who are focused on order rather than achievement and tired stand-and-deliver teaching methods that were observed in many classrooms, to environments that are cold and institutional and relationships that are characterized by distrust and alienation, some high schools appear relatively unchanged. And that is not good news for the future of education in Kentucky.

Influential Cultural and Economic Factors

These case studies show that external cultural and economic factors, many of which were also identified in our multiple-regression analysis, strongly influence postsecondary outcomes. To no one’s surprise, students consistently and most often cited their parents—specifically mothers—as being most influential in their decision to go to college. But other circumstances in the local community, some of which touched the lives of these young people, were also quite influential.

While our findings are consistent with what research has clearly established, that the children of college-educated parents are far more likely to go to college than children of parents who have no college experience, we also found that negative experiences associated with undereducation can also be powerful influences. We found that the more volatile the economic conditions in their immediate environment, the more likely students are planning an escape route via college. Our multiple regression analysis showed that high unemployment rates are significantly related to higher postsecondary attendance rates. On the other hand, students with a more insular world view, who expressed no desire to move beyond their immediate community, were far less likely to say they were going to college.

At High School A, a combination of external factors appears to exert a positive influence on college attendance. The most racially and occupationally diverse school in our study group, High School A is located in a county that is home to a large government installation. As a result, students routinely encounter individuals, including teachers, who are from different cities and states, some of whom have lived in other countries. As a consequence of this large mobile element of the local population, these students are exposed to ideas and perspectives that may help foster a less insular world view. They can and do envision a life beyond their immediate environs, something students at High Schools C and D were far less inclined to do. One student indicated that everybody was trying to get out of the town where High School A is located. When asked where they planned to attend college, students at High School A named an array of colleges around the nation that had attracted them for a variety of reasons.

Low wages, high unemployment, and economic stress in their community also appear to be strongly influencing the decisions of students at High Schools A and B. Wages are relatively low in virtually every industrial sector in the local economy where High School A is located, and occupational opportunities are limited. The county where High School B is located has experienced severe economic upheavals, including massive layoffs and business relocations, in recent years. Based on the comments of students we interviewed, this experience has proven to be a powerful teacher. Firsthand exposure to the consequences of job layoffs, the proliferation of low-wage jobs, and the economic limitations of undereducation has provided a powerful impetus for many young people to get an education beyond high school. Moreover, these factors are undoubtedly shaping the messages these young people receive from their most influential advisors, their parents and their extended families. One student observed that hardly anyone in the school had gone untouched by the economic losses the community had suffered in recent years.

The culture of High School C reflects the agrarian nature of the community where it is located. A striking warmth was evident in this small school, the product of a community where teachers report routinely interacting with students outside school. Perhaps as a consequence, these students were respectful, poised, polite, and surprisingly adult in their perspectives. While the vast majority of the students we spoke with said they were planning to go to college, a strong attachment to place may have discouraged college attendance in the past. A significant percentage of students we interviewed said they planned to continue living in this appealing community, even though it offers few immediate job opportunities. And the county’s once-strong agricultural economy historically offered opportunity within the county that clearly fostered a degree of complacency about postsecondary education. However, the strength of its economic base is waning rapidly with the decline of tobacco, and thus these young people face a far less certain future.

Students from High School D, however, seemed the most complacent about the future, in all likelihood due to readily available low-skill manufacturing jobs in the county and the possibility of higher paying manufacturing jobs in the immediate area. As a result, postsecondary education is reportedly viewed as unnecessary by many households. Though some of these students expressed career goals that will demand higher education, others had unrealistic career expectations or they simply wanted a job, any job. Low postsecondary attendance rates are, staff suggested, largely attributable to the devaluation of education by parents. On another level, some of the school’s staff appear to promote a vocational emphasis that prepares students for full-time jobs immediately upon graduation.

The powerful and overriding influence of parental examples was evident at all these schools but perhaps most evident at High School D. There, one teacher observed, “You do what your parents do.” In the case of the students in his classes, most, he suggested, chose to stay in their home county and work at one of the local manufacturers that demands little of its employees in terms of education. One of the most significant liabilities for students at this school, this dedicated teacher observed, is that parents who push are “few and far between.” As a consequence, he observed, most students tend to live up to what their parents have taught them, that education does not matter, and that opportunities abound to continue living in their accustomed style.

We also found that having a college or colleges located in the county can influence attitudes about postsecondary education. Students at High School B expressed strong levels of identification with local institutions, often saying they planned to attend school there, and some students at High School A were already taking classes at a nearby community college. On the other hand, students at High Schools C and D face a not insubstantial though quite manageable commute to a college. That colleges are not integral parts of these communities may be quite significant, in that students and their parents are not routinely exposed to the presence of an institution of higher education.

These case studies underscore, among other things, the imperative of economic education in high schools. Students need to be exposed routinely to messages, lessons, and compelling firsthand accounts about today’s economic realities: the impermanence of many, if not most, jobs, particularly those in the manufacturing and agricultural sectors; job mobility and retraining as commonplace employee experiences and employer expectations; the range of options that postsecondary education and training give an individual in the job market; the intangible yet highly rewarding benefits of jobs that require postsecondary education but do not necessarily pay the highest wages; the increasing levels of personal responsibility adults must assume for a range of things that employers once assumed, including planning and financing retirement and larger portions of health care costs; the costs and multifaceted returns to higher education; and the inadequacies of low-wage, low-skill jobs. Too many of these students appear poorly prepared for the economic realities that await them, a circumstance that effective high schools can and should change.

Communications

The lifeblood of a healthy culture is communication, yet beyond computerized telephone calls to parents of absent students, we found little evidence of routine dialogue with parents or students. Only at High School A were communications with parents routine, and administrators reported trying to expand them. In addition to a newsletter, parents receive notification of grades, including mid-terms, by mail, and grading information that is readily accessible is updated weekly. Further efforts were underway to make information available to parents on demand. In addition to ready access to current information on grades, the school planned to make lesson plans readily available during the school year following our site visit. The presence of parents at the school during the site visit suggests that strong communications with parents have yielded significant benefits: High School A reports a significantly higher level of volunteerism than any other school in the case study group.

High School C, due to its relative size and the close-knit community where it was located, also evidenced strong routine communications but of an informal nature. Both students and teachers observed that most everyone in the community knew one another. The principal and faculty appeared to have a lot of knowledge about the circumstances of the lives of individual students. However, we found no evidence that routine communications between parents and the school had been institutionalized.

Overall, these case studies suggest that students are the party missing from the education dialogue, a policy that appears unwise at best. Ultimately, young people can provide dedicated educators with critical information on how best to reach them, make learning materials relevant to their lives, engage them, excite them about learning, and help them form lifelong habits that will enable them to succeed and make informed postsecondary choices. The empowerment of both teachers and students, which has clearly worked in traditional workplaces, will likely produce results in the work world of high schools as well. Likewise, informed parents are clearly better equipped to motivate young people and help improve schools in a variety of ways.

Ultimately, the effectiveness of a teacher, a principal, or a guidance counselor must in part be measured by the students and parents who rely on these individuals for knowledge of subject matter, skilled instruction, informed guidance, and classroom management. In colleges, where some of these young people are already taking classes, student evaluations of teacher performance are routine, and they figure in promotions and salary levels. Quite the reverse is found in high schools. Indeed, some of the highest paid teachers in the state are found at one of our lowest performing schools. These circumstances clearly illustrate the disconnect between the performance of educational professionals and student outcomes in our state’s public schools.

None of these schools is asking students on a routine basis about the performance of individual teachers, whether they are supportive and encouraging, how knowledgeable they are about subject matter, how prepared they are, how much knowledge they ultimately impart, etc. High School A, however, does seek student opinions about trust levels.

While they are not consulted routinely, we found that students have a definite sense of who the good teachers in their schools are and what qualities make them so. They consistently expressed appreciation for teachers who are academically demanding but, at the same time, caring and compassionate, who command respect for their knowledge of the subject material, who set clear expectations and work to ensure student comprehension rather than methodically follow a lesson plan, and who treat all students equally, rather than cater to “favorites.” Indeed, students consistently gave their highest marks to tough, demanding teachers. “They get on your nerves,” one student offered. “They want you to make something of yourself; they make learning fun.”

Because students appear to be keenly aware and highly appreciative of quality teachers, their assessments of teacher performance could be key in improving it, ensuring more consistent quality, and, ultimately, improving communications between the very individuals high schools exist to benefit and those who work to meet those ends.

Finally, several principals noted a significant communications problem with the Kentucky Department of Education: the lag time in their receipt of outcomes from the CATS tests. Because they are not made available until after the beginning of the school year, CATS tests do not figure into overall planning or in individualized instruction. Thus, their usefulness has been undermined in precisely the setting where they should make a difference.

Guidance Counseling

The experiences of the high schools examined in this case study group suggest that effective guidance counseling can positively influence postsecondary outcomes. However, we found little evidence that guidance counselors play a prominent role in the decision to go to college. The roles of guidance counselors, which often include a range of responsibilities, appear to focus more on the mechanics of college-going, rather than on motivating young people to make the choice of doing so.

These findings echo those of the Center’s 2000 survey of high school students as reported in Talking Back. This largely college-bound group indicated that teachers at the high-school level had been more than twice as influential as guidance counselors (see Figure 3).(7) However, they clearly play a key role, as the highest performing schools in the group appeared to have strong guidance counseling teams augmented by a variety of programs designed to enable, encourage, and support the choice to attend college.

Figure 3: Who most influenced plans for your future after high school?

These case studies, however, showed little evidence that student-to-guidance counselor ratios are decisive factors because the ratios at all the schools, regardless of their postsecondary outcomes, are quite high. The lowest ratio was more than 400 students per counselor and the highest nearly 550 students, all well above the 250-to-1 ratio recommended by the American Counseling Association.(8) Interestingly, High Schools A and D had nearly exactly the same student-to-counselor ratios as did High Schools B and C, yet outcomes were dramatically different. Thus, based on these case studies, postsecondary outcomes do not appear to be closely linked to the size of a school’s counseling staff. However, the quality of the staff, its participation in decisionmaking, and the leadership to which it must respond are likely key to the effectiveness of guidance counseling efforts.

From these case studies, it appears that students who would likely attend college anyway receive the lion’s share of guidance counselors’ attentions. We recognize, however, that this observation may be a product of the timing of the site visits during the last few months of school when college-bound students are eager to gain access to counselors. Overall, however, the role of guidance counselors at all these schools appeared to be largely one of providing students with the information and help needed to negotiate the mechanics of going to college, a difficult challenge in itself given the sheer numbers of students per counselor. Thus, young people who are motivated to inquire about and pursue college or whose academic performance indicates they should be going to college appear more likely to garner the attentions of the formal guidance counseling systems. In the absence of more broadly focused programs, students who are not being motivated by their parents or who are underperforming academically appear to receive less attention. Students in more than one school reported that they had not met with a guidance counselor in more than a year. One student reported never having met with one.

Based upon their remarks and the principal’s assessment, the counselors at High School B, which had the highest rate of college attendance, pushed young people to seize potential opportunities, from scholarships to admission to a prestigious school. But they emphasized their desire to help all students, not just those who were top performers and bound for college. Indeed, they expressed concern that too much emphasis was being placed on college-bound students, noting that some were going to college strictly in response to peer pressure. However, many of their duties appeared to be geared to the college bound. To prod postsecondary attendance, they made information broadly available through postings of details about scholarships, weekly phone messages to parents about all scholarships, and through a series of workshops designed to prepare students for the application process, for key tests, including the ACT, SAT, and AP tests, and to assist them with the financial aid process. Juniors are given a packet to prepare them for what they need to do during their senior year if they plan to go to college.

It is important to note that the roles of guidance counselors were diluted by ancillary responsibilities in every school we visited. Counselors assumed duties such as monitoring halls, scheduling, coaching, and even teaching in addition to their counseling duties. Such practices are the source of what one counseling advocate refers to as "role rage." These professionals have reportedly seen their roles become so diluted in public schools that it has become a disincentive to persistence in and entry into the profession. Counselors we interviewed bemoaned the distracting duties that took them away from the work of counseling students about their postsecondary options and life choices. Because part of the traditional role of counselors is also to provide psychological support and guidance, an erosion of this professional role could adversely affect adolescent well-being in a range of areas.

The sheer tenacity and commitment of High School B’s counselors no doubt figure in its fairly high college-going rates. However, lower counselor-to-student ratios could in all likelihood help improve postsecondary outcomes, given the additional responsibilities these professionals assume. More counselors are particularly in need at High School C, which is served by just one guidance counselor, who also teaches a class.

In three of the schools visited, the traditional, centralized guidance counseling systems of the past are gradually being augmented by systems in which students are paired with teachers as freshmen and remain linked to them throughout their high school careers. Ideally, such a system provides students with a constant source of reinforcement and guidance, but much of its success clearly rests on the personality and motivation of teachers, who have previously expressed concern about the dilution of their roles and the nature of the relationship with the student. Only High School C’s principal reported that students who found themselves paired with an incompatible counselor-teacher had the option of changing. While teacher-counselor initiatives are still relatively new—the oldest had been in place six years—they potentially provide early introduction to and reinforcement of the possibility of going to college. However, none of the schools reported adopting accountability measures that linked student outcomes with the performance of teacher-counselors or formal guidance counselors.

The teacher-guidance counselor program at High School C has evolved to a point where it is supported by a curriculum that exposes students to career options and paths to their development in monthly classroom sessions. In these sessions, teacher-counselors meet with small groups of the students they advise, utilizing the recommended curricula. The program may be a key factor in how well grounded many of these young people appeared to be when discussing the future. They expressed realistic goals and a high level of awareness about the costs and challenges of college. Unusually mature in their conduct, most had formed ideas about what they wanted to do with their lives and most reported solid college plans.

Students at High School A also possessed a high level of knowledge about the costs and the advantages of a college education. Most expressed realistic goals and articulated concrete plans for the future; many had definite plans for college. Most upperclass students at High School B also expressed concrete, realistic career and college plans. In contrast, students at High School D often indicated interest in unrealistic careers and appeared to possess limited knowledge and information about the costs and the benefits of going to college.

As indicated in our survey findings, however, most students suggested that they had made the decision to go to college either in middle school or even elementary school. Thus, these appear to be the points at which young people routinely need to be encouraged to think in terms of preparing to go to college and discouraged from regarding financial or cultural obstacles as insurmountable.

Individual Graduation Plans

In our interviews with staff at these high schools, we learned that state-mandated Individual Graduation Plans (IGP), which were intended to enable educators to accommodate unique learning styles, exist largely on paper. “Once they get here (referring to a file drawer in her office),” a teacher at one high school remarked, “nobody looks at this. They’re just stuffed in a folder and forgotten.” Part of the problem at the school, she observed, is class size. “It’s very hard to get to know kids when there are so many.” Many teachers at the school, she noted, have 30 to 31 students per class, an unmanageable number in the estimation of many educators.

The principal at High School C also reported that IGPs were not being used to improve instruction, largely because teachers needed additional training and a push she believed ultimately had to come from her. She suggested that the failing was hers and she planned to focus attention on the gap in coming months. Faculty at High School D also said the plans were not being used.

These case studies suggest that this well-intended tool is not being used systematically at many schools. Only High School A reported using them in conjunction with a series of aptitude tests to help young people make choices about possible careers and prepare them appropriately. By the 10th grade, the school identifies and communicates with the students about career clusters that will be of likely interest based on aptitude testing. During their junior year, all students participate in site visits to a local community college where individuals from the community give presentations geared to individual fields of interest. Similarly, so-called “tech prep” students attend a half-day career fair during their junior year that exposes them to professionals, from lawyers to law enforcement officials, and future career options.

Overall, however, IGPs, which are intended to address differing learning styles and accommodate unique needs, could help teachers and guidance counselors expand horizons for students who do not perceive themselves as potential college students. However, these case studies suggest that many schools are not using them to improve instruction, and they face no consequences for failing to do so.

Defying the Odds

These case studies offer a compelling testament to a fundamental tenet of the Kentucky Education Reform Act. That is, given equal opportunities, all students can learn. By logical extension, a significant portion of Kentucky students can go on to college and succeed, certainly far more than now do. But if the impetus to go to college does not emanate from the family, both our survey findings and these case studies suggest that instilling higher levels of self-motivation could be key. Notably, three quarters of respondents to our high school survey cited their own personal motivation as being influential in the decision to go to college, a level of response that equaled the one citing the family as influential. And because the majority of students interviewed for the case studies cited their mothers as having been most influential in the decision to go to college, routine communications with this parent are vital. Ultimately, however, it is vital to expand our understanding of how and when to encourage and motivate young people to make informed, wise life decisions about education and to understand why some young people make positive choices in the absence of family support. While we cannot speak definitively about the quality of instruction at these high schools and the level of academic preparedness students have beyond what standardized tests tell us, many of the students at High Schools A and B appear to be defying considerable demographic odds simply by choosing to go on to college.

As shown in Figure 4, our ranking of these schools by their performance in sending students on to college suggests an inverse relationship to poverty rates. The higher the percentage of low-income students in these four high schools, the higher their performance based on both the quantitative analysis and the qualitative assessments of these case studies.

Figure 4: Percentage of Students Eligible for Free and Reduced Lunch

Just as crisis, loss of jobs, market share, and profit motivate firms and individuals, we found that the economic circumstances of the surrounding community appear to strongly influence college-going rates. Our multiple regression analysis found that high unemployment rates were strongly associated with high rates of college attendance. Likewise, we found that students in the more economically depressed counties where we conducted case studies were highly motivated to go on to college. Conversely, students at High Schools C and D expressed a high level of comfort with staying in their home community where poverty was low relative to the comparison communities. In the case of High School D, teachers and administrators saw the ready availability of unskilled jobs in the county as an external factor that served to discourage its graduates from going on to college. One teacher described the attitudes of students as an “isolationist mentality" that narrows their world view and prevents them from seeing possibilities beyond those their families have had and beyond their immediate environment.

In contrast, students at High School A expressed a desire to move beyond the economic limitations of their community. The desire to better one’s economic circumstances, however, was most evident at High School B. There, students reported that few families in their community had gone untouched by job layoffs in recent years. As the community gradually lost a significant portion of its blue-collar jobs, these students witnessed at close range the consequences of an inadequate education. Messages from their parents were strengthened by very visible and painful demonstrations of the “education pays” lesson. Several students expressed the belief that higher education would permit them to enjoy greater mobility in the labor force and thus enable them to recover more quickly from the layoffs they seemed to view as inevitable. Hard doses of reality had forewarned these young people about the demands of today’s economy and the importance of preparing to meet them.

Overall, however, few educators in these schools expressed the belief that sub-par academic performance in high school may not necessarily reflect a young person’s capabilities or that it should not seal their fates. Too many highly successful exceptions to such assumptions are leaders in the very communities where these schools are located. Moreover, the students about whom such assumptions are made are often children of poor or undereducated parents. They did not grow up in a tradition that values education.

For Kentucky to achieve improvements of its college graduation rates, it will be necessary to reach far more potential first-generation college students, ensure that they acquire the critical skills, and instill in them a belief in their own potential and an understanding of the significant limitations that undereducation poses throughout life.

While one cannot predict long-term outcomes for her, a senior at High School D reported discovering on the Internet that college was a possibility despite her lackluster academic performance in high school. Her discovery is testament to the importance of promoting postsecondary education as early as possible before students form the belief that college is out of reach for them and adopt behaviors and habits that reflect such low expectations. No one, this young woman told interviewers, had ever told her she could go to college, what would appear to be a gross disservice of the faculty and staff of the schools she had attended for 12 years. Instead, she discovered the possibility on her own, an unlikely outcome in most cases.

Not surprisingly, the majority of educators interviewed in this young woman’s school (High School D) expressed significant doubt about the abilities of most of their students. Some concerned teachers said many students arrived at high school with deficient reading skills and a world view that excluded the possibility of college. Senior staff of the school expressed dismay about the values of both students and their parents. Indeed, the leadership and faculty of High School D, for the most part, appeared to have conceded defeat, blaming poor outcomes on the economic circumstances of their students, which ironically are among the best we found in this case study group, and on cultural norms that devalue higher education. Few appeared to believe these young people would or could form identities separate from their families.

High School A appeared to make the most concerted effort to be egalitarian in its approach, perhaps out of sheer necessity. Rather than being dismayed by the outcomes of standardized tests, which suggest discouraging outcomes for this disproportionately poor student body, this school’s leadership appears to have risen to the challenge. Given the attitudes and postsecondary plans of students, it appears to be successfully instilling in many students the possibility of going to college, regardless of their social and economic circumstances.

High School B also had implemented a number of approaches that minimized economic differences. The much-resented identification badges students are required to wear to gain entry to school also record student lunch participation. As a consequence, there were no observable differences between free lunch students and those who paid. Moreover, the school makes broad-based and inclusive efforts to intervene on behalf of students in trouble, either emotionally or behaviorally. Students in academic trouble receive help from a variety of programs. “You have to work at failing,” the principal observed.

These case studies suggest that an unknown but perhaps substantial portion of Kentucky’s high schools have either lost sight of or never clearly adopted KERA ideals. Rather than a belief in the potential of all students to learn, mature, and achieve, education professionals at some of these schools had already clearly prejudged the abilities of students due to their backgrounds and thus, no doubt, contributed to the likelihood of their continued underachievement.

Programmatic Support

These case studies suggest that a strong programmatic focus on instilling new attitudes about academics can indeed have a very positive effect on postsecondary outcomes. We found highly effective programs that appear to be strong mechanisms for encouraging higher levels of engagement in academics and engendering social maturity and self-confidence. As a consequence, these programs appear to be raising postsecondary aspirations among their participants. Broadly, the adoption and expansion of such programs could help raise the state’s education status in the years to come.

We found that students participating in a range of programs were confident and focused, an indication that more individualized attention, direction, and guidance can help shape far more positive attitudes about learning and achievement and help foster a sense of self-worth. In particular, a limited number of students were beneficiaries of two strong programs that appeared to have elements that are worthy of widespread duplication. The programs provide critical support for at-risk students and helped boost the performance of underachievers.

A Life Raft for At-Risk Students. One worthy small program that we found focused exclusively on at-risk students who were identified by repeat absences, poor grades, or behavioral problems. In this case, a part-time, licensed social worker effectively plays what the principal described as a “surrogate father” role, giving young people both at the high school and a nearby middle school the support and encouragement they otherwise would not likely get. “They have a dad now; a lot of these kids don’t have one,” the principal observed. “He alternately strokes them and kicks them in the butt when they need to be. He essentially teaches them responsibility and accountability.”

The effect of this social worker’s presence in the lives of these students appeared overwhelmingly positive based on observation, interviews, and school documentation. Under his direction, the principal reported, participants had doubled their academic performance. More precisely, the social worker reported that students in his group had, within a semester, raised their first-year grades from a .833 average to a 2.4 overall.

The social worker reported that the 10 to 15 students in his group either had only one parent, step-parents, or emotionally absent parents. “Most fit all three categories,” he observed. “If they have trouble with another teacher or student, they come to me. They have very poor social skills.” Ground rules, he added, are very clear, “They have to do the best they can do every single day. I don’t allow hate; we don’t talk bad about ourselves or others. There are no discriminatory remarks, period.” Among this small group of students this social worker tries to shepherd through high school, “attitude,” he suggests, is the foremost problem, one they learned from their parents. They are fearless, sometimes angry and remote, but more often than not, thoroughly alone, by his assessment.

“Let’s face it, for most of these kids, this is their biggest social outlet. If they don’t make a connection with a human being here,” he suggested, they may not make one at all. Today, he and many teachers we interviewed observed, most parents work, and young people spend most of their time with each other or alone. If they don’t find caring among friends or in school, it may not exist in their lives. The results, this social worker suggested, are behavioral problems, poor academic performance, and a bad beginning. Caring, on the other hand, he suggests, changes young people. “It’s hard to shout at someone you know and care about,” he observed. “But we’re more focused on making dollars than building relationships.” Importantly, caring is the quality that students at each of these schools most consistently cited when asked what made a good teacher.

The High School B social worker described some of the wrenching problems these young people were coping with, problems that made attention to academics a difficult and seemingly insurmountable challenge. From these interviews, it was clear that an effective and supportive line of communication had opened between the students and this trained social worker. Students who spent one of two designated block class periods with the social worker and with peer tutors who provide instructional help described the resident social worker as the father the principal suggested he is, as a tough but caring mentor who pushed and prodded them to keep up with their school work and to attend school regularly. In addition to their clear appreciation of the social worker’s role in their lives, participants displayed maturity and a sense of personal direction. Many voiced clear career aspirations. Most were on track to graduate; two said they planned to join the military, an option that held the potential of exposing them to additional opportunities for training and education.

A Helping Hand for Underachievers. A second program that appeared worthy of further study and perhaps wider adoption is one that shepherds underachievers through high school. It focuses on middle achievers, who are earning only mediocre grade-point averages but, standardized tests suggest, should be performing at higher levels. In addition to individualized attention and support, the program is designed to capture the energy of peer pressure and transform it into a positive force for learning and achievement. Students in higher grades help tutor fellow program participants, and, in the process, provide important peer support and encouragement. In addition to the latter social component, these students are engaged in service-learning exercises designed to foster good citizens, as well as economically successful ones.

By design, only a small population of students, who are identified at the middle-school level and selected for participation, enter into the folds of this initiative. On the basis of middle-school performance, students are invited to become involved in this national program, which was being led at High School B by an experienced, dynamic teacher. To participate, students and their parents or guardians must sign a contract that commits them to fulfill all academic obligations and to pursue high levels of achievement. In the program, students are exposed to what appear to be important experiences and support systems that enable them to flourish in high school, including instruction on study habits and one-on-one guidance and assistance with coursework. Further, the program also appears to be instrumental in encouraging students to pursue postsecondary education, instilling confidence in their academic capabilities, illustrating the rewards of hard work, and exposing young people to college campuses through visits to area colleges.

Importantly, the program is also designed to respond quickly when students “get off task" or falter academically. Teachers inform the program director when problems arise, and staff intervene. Students must write a plan for correcting the behaviors or problems that have interfered with their academic performance and show progress in fulfilling the plan. Likewise, students get positive reinforcement for academic or other achievements. Program participants are rewarded by having these accolades shared with fellow program participants who routinely applaud to acknowledge them.

As previously noted, the program also has a service component. In this case, the director reported that students were visiting a local nursing home, reading to residents and interviewing them about their lives for a journal. Her dream, she proffered, is that students will adopt the residents and prepare a collection of stories about their lives. Program members also reported plans to launch an effort the following year that would involve becoming peer mentors to elementary students, effectively creating an achievement-oriented peer group to which impressionable elementary students could relate.

The testimonials that these obviously confident, high-achieving students gave to the positive role the program had played in their academic lives were remarkable. Partly as an academic exercise in the value of rewriting, junior class participants were engaged in writing speeches about the program. The exercise aside, the grace, confidence, and enthusiasm for the program that these students demonstrated in interviews and in spontaneous testimonials offered strong evidence of a high level of success.

An obvious weakness of the program, however, is that it has no mechanism for accepting students mid-year or permitting students to work their way back into the program if they initially opted out or were dropped for failing to abide by their contract. While the rigid parameters of the program may be a key reason for its success, its structure did not recognize or accommodate changing and improving attitudes among students. According to the dynamic teacher leading the program, many who left early had pleaded to be allowed back in, but the program had no mechanism that permitted them to regain entry.

From every indication, this program was a success worthy of widespread duplication. Arguably, however, its strength may have been a product of its leadership, rather than its mechanics. Nevertheless, all but one of the seniors in the program already had definite college plans, and that student reportedly remained undecided.

Something for Everyone. Beyond the successes of discrete programs, we found that High School A’s adoption of a broadly focused effort to support and encourage young people was most worthy of emulation. Among those schools in the case study group, High School A reported offering the most extensive programmatic support for postsecondary preparation through an array of activities, services that recognize and accommodate the needs for guidance and assistance, extracurricular activities, and a curriculum that orients entering freshmen and trains them in study and life skills.

High School A has also begun to institutionalize tenets of the second of previously discussed programs and broaden its availability to all students who need specialized attention. Unlike any other school in the case study group, this school pays peer tutors through a program that was being made available throughout the district. Each school has a resident coordinator of the peer tutoring service, and students, their parents, or their teachers can request or recommend the service. The school’s computer labs, it was reported, open at 7:00 a.m. and remain open after school to enable young people to take advantage of tutoring and use computers for their work. The service is available to all students, and it gives them an opportunity to raise poor grades. Similarly, High School B offers after-school tutoring services through each department and gives students an opportunity to raise their grades by working with tutors.

Importantly, all High School A freshmen are required to take a transition class that orients young people to the new, often more stressful and demanding environment that high school presents. Course content also includes life skills such as budgeting and family planning as well as college and career opportunities. Students expressed appreciation of the knowledge the course had provided, and the maturity they evidenced suggested its lessons may be proving their worth.

High School A also provides career counseling in a variety of forms, including integrating it into the curricula. English classes, for example, write essays based upon reports from Occupational Outlook. Further, aptitude tests and career days are used to help students identify fields of interest to students. Online applications to colleges that offer courses in the fields of study for which students have aptitude and interest are also readily available. Utilizing mail-merge software, students can mail the same letter of application to as many colleges as they like, either from the school or from home.

At High School A, all students must engage in some sort of extracurricular activity, with the intention of fostering social maturity and exposing young people to diverse experiences and possibilities. As one guidance counselor observed, “The more involved students are, the better they perform.” Students must participate in at least one club or activity that meets monthly during the school day. Some of the groups reported planned trips off the school’s campus to various colleges, local and outside of the region, and to other educational sites such as museums. The ROTC Program appeared particularly strong, providing solid support, guidance, and life skills training to many students who would not otherwise get it.

Unfortunately, concerned faculty at High School A acknowledged that at times some youth could not participate in off-site events because they simply did not have sufficient funds. Efforts are made to help such students, but the success of these efforts reportedly depended upon fundraising efforts and, at times, the generosity of sponsoring teachers. In general, however, the mature attitudes and solid knowledge about careers, college costs, and benefits that these young people demonstrated suggest that exposure to these diverse experiences is having a positive effect.

Another bright spot in the High School A curriculum involved extensive community support and engaged all students in an early year, all-day, real-world exercise designed to demonstrate the lifelong value of education and training. In this exercise, which the principal says is “probably one of the most effective things we do," students are assigned an income equivalent to their grade-point average, and they pick chances to determine their family circumstances. Those with low incomes vicariously experience the economic limitations of their status, as they must budget for necessities, seek financing for a home or a car, buy insurance, and pay taxes. Conversely, those whose grade-point averages afford them higher incomes experience the possibilities that their achievements enable. Various organizations from the larger community, including banks, mortgage companies, insurance agencies, and the Internal Revenue Service, participate in the reality-based event.

By contrast, beyond formal guidance counseling, efforts such as those previously discussed appeared to be minimal at High School D. One of the more successful efforts at engaging students was, instead, largely vocational in its orientation. “Our goal is employability,” its sponsor observed. While reporting that a portion of her students opted to go on to college, this highly respected veteran teacher, like many faculty members, suggested that countering home influences and values was enormously difficult. “The kinds of kids who should be going to college are not going, in a large part, because college is not valued. Families do not see a student who is sterling. They just don’t get nurtured or affirmed.” Many, particularly young women, this teacher observed, are often “taken by the wind,” quickly caught up in the consuming responsibilities of marriage and children. Young men, by contrast, she suggested, enjoy more freedom to leave the county.

Though this vocational program helps foster a work ethic, something many teachers at this school saw lacking in their students, it moves only a small group of young people into jobs with local businesses. While clearly more desirable than many entry-level jobs, they are nevertheless positions that, for the most part, will offer minimal opportunity for advancement to higher earnings. The heartening element of the program, however, was its strong leadership, the effectiveness of which was attested to by the presence of several of its graduates as teachers at the school and even in the same subject area.

All of these schools reported holding evening events to help parents understand the mechanics and requirements of going to college. Each year, upperclassmen, parents, and students are invited to the schools for an evening session to learn how to complete college financial aid forms and applications. Most reported that these were well attended. Indeed, High School C reported “standing room only” attendance for these evening workshops. High School B reported providing a number of workshops for students as well.

Interestingly, while many of these educators bemoaned the values of young people, specifically their unwillingness to work hard to achieve goals and their reluctance to delay gratification, three out of four of these high schools report having reward systems for attendance. High School B also reported having created a stick to match its generous carrots in the form of a close working relationship with the court system that triggered intervention after a prescribed number of absences. On the carrot side, officials reported having given away a car the previous year to reward perfect attendance. Shorter-term rewards included pizza parties for home rooms with the best attendance record. By comparison, the reward systems reported by High Schools A and C appeared quite modest.

School Spending

These case studies suggest that the intangibles of school environment or culture and leadership that enable the development of such a culture are key factors influencing postsecondary choices. School spending, on the other hand, appears far less influential. As shown in Figure 5, no relationship between spending and achievement is evident in the case study group nor was it apparent from our on-site findings.

Figure 5: Per-Pupil Spending at Case Study High Schools, 1999-2000

In the case student group, High School A spends about the same as High School C, which ranks among the state’s lowest performers on postsecondary outcomes, and High School D, a low performer by our quantitative and qualitative assessments, spends nearly as much as High School B, whose students perform well on standardized tests and in the area of postsecondary attendance. While we cannot generalize based upon the case study findings, they correlate with the findings of our multiple regression analysis, which found no significant relationship between the level of per-pupil spending and postsecondary outcomes. Moreover, they reveal some of the intangibles that contribute substantially to postsecondary outcomes.

Though it spends nearly $800 more per student than High School A, High School B’s physical plant does not suggest that it does. Its classrooms are aging and facilities are poorly maintained. While its classrooms are equipped with networked computers, they were reportedly for use by teachers only, a worthwhile purpose that enables school personnel to track information and communicate more efficiently but one that does not appear to advance broad student access to and use of information technology in the learning process.

High School A stood out in sharp contrast to the group. One thing money clearly does buy—a pleasant, appealing physical environment—does make a difference from the perspective of students. High School A’s principal went to work immediately upon his hiring to transform the interior of the school over the course of the summer. A few years after the fact, this school was still refreshingly different from others we visited: bright, clean, and very appealing though it was of the same vintage as High School D. What appeared to be new carpet in some areas and café-style awnings in the cafeteria at High School A helped minimize what would otherwise be a sterile, institutional environment. The result was wholly appealing. Still, High School A spends the least amount of money per student.

While many improvements had been made to High School B, its classrooms were aging, crowded, either too cold or overheated, and generally unappealing, a circumstance that was frequently noted by students. Moreover, the school’s condition was apparently a leadership choice. It was reported that the older sections of the school had been scheduled for replacement, but the faculty had resisted and opted to defer the plan reportedly because they opposed the smaller classroom sizes dictated by KERA. For students, the choice made by the faculty had clearly had negative consequences.

High School A had also managed to channel significant resources into computers. The student-to-computer ratio is relatively low, all classrooms are equipped, and students have access to a bank of computers in the school’s centrally located library. Students appeared to be using the school’s computer lab extensively. High School C is undergoing significant upgrades in its equipment though it does not yet have computer workstations in all its classrooms, a circumstance that will change with the upcoming construction of its new facility. High School D reports the lowest student-to-computer ratio and 100 percent networked classrooms, but by the assessment of its own faculty, much of the school’s computer equipment is outdated. Moreover, it was not evident that computers were being used in classrooms outside of a business education unit where keyboarding was being taught.

All of these schools reported similar student-teacher ratios in 2000, but the principal at High School C reported that the ratio was actually much higher at her school due to an unexpected increase in the student population. At High School D, a senior member of the faculty reported that many teachers were coping with much larger classes than what the School Report Card suggested.

Though clearly not essential to success and not a substitute for effective leadership, adequate funding is undeniably important. It was evident, for example, that High School C could benefit substantially from additional resources. While its aging building is on schedule to be replaced, it has, in all likelihood, been little more than serviceable for many years. Moreover, the school has had considerable difficulty retaining principals and recruiting faculty and staff to the rural area where it is located, a circumstance that new facilities and higher salaries could help alleviate. This school, as well as High School B, has a high student-to-guidance counselor ratio, as the lone counselor must shoulder many unrelated duties. Moreover, the per-pupil level of responsibility being shouldered by the principal was quite high compared to the three other schools. Additionally, the principal at High School C observed that the school needed both materials and personnel.

The performance of High School B, which spends the most per pupil, has the highest rate of postsecondary attendance, and has the highest level of performance on the CATS tests in this study group, suggests spending may indeed make a difference, in spite of our findings and even if it is not readily apparent from the physical plant. However, significant resources at this school are likely dedicated to teacher salaries, as this, like High School D, has a veteran faculty.

Thus, our findings suggest somewhat contradictory conclusions:

1. the intangibles of a school culture are far more important than how much money it spends on each student, but

2. more resources would permit schools to set and achieve higher goals, improve their physical plants, invest in equipment and resources that enhance learning, and address some of the academic and cultural gaps that often discourage higher performance among low-income and minority students.

Additional resources could expose more youth from poor and low-income families to the possibilities that postsecondary education holds for them through broader adoption of programs such as those we found at High Schools A and B: more campus visits and trips to museums, artistic events, and other learning opportunities, and more one-on-one attention to at-risk and underperforming students. Teachers who are actively engaged in creating site visits for students reported that transportation was the principal cost of these visits. More often than not, participation in the limited site visits and educational trips available, which these teachers have found to be very positive, motivational experiences for young people, depended upon how much money students had or were able to raise.

Thus, we conclude, resources are clearly more important than these case studies suggest. Without some level of exposure to a college environment, an experience many young people do not have while in high school, the notion of going to college is likely to seem more remote and more intimidating. Opportunities for exposure to professional work environments and participation in other enriching experiences clearly can help broaden the perspectives and the horizons of young people. Such experiences often foster dreams of careers that can become the driving force in the lives of young people, pushing them to achieve way beyond what would ordinarily be expected of them. Funding broader access to such opportunities could be a linchpin for increasing postsecondary enrollment in Kentucky.

Clearly, increased revenue could enable significant improvements at these schools, most notably in physical and technological infrastructure, counseling services, academic offerings, college site visits and other enriching off-campus experiences, and, in some cases, faculty and administrative salaries. The latter could help ease the difficulties with recruitment and retention that some of these schools are experiencing. Moreover, additional resources could also broaden programmatic efforts to improve postsecondary attendance. Ultimately, however, these case studies suggest that money is no substitute for commitment to young people from administrators, teachers, and community leaders and the positive, reinforcing environment that that commitment creates.

The Demands of Paid Employment

Because some education researchers believe that employment—and play—are consuming far more time in young people’s lives than academics outside the classroom, a finding our high school survey confirms even among college-bound high school youth,(9) we asked the students and educators we interviewed about paid employment and its effect on academic performance. Specifically, we asked why young people choose to work, how many hours they work during the average week, and what influence their jobs have on their studies and their lives.

When we interviewed students, we found that the majority of juniors and seniors and about a quarter of underclass students at these schools have jobs that they acknowledge are quite demanding and even intrusive in that they interfere with their studies. In interviews, students routinely reported working in part-time jobs, but a not insignificant portion of students reported working in what would more closely approximate full-time jobs, that is, jobs that require between 30 and 40 hours a week. The majority of juniors and seniors we interviewed reported having jobs at which they usually worked between 15 to 30 hours a week. Around half of these students reported working more than 30 hours a week. One girl in a sophomore-level class, for example, reported working in excess of 40 hours a week in her parents’ business. In isolated cases, students reported working even more hours. Combined with the demands of school, clearly all these young people who are engaged in paid employment are working far more than the 40-hour work week our society recognizes as full-time employment.

One school professional observed that she believed paid employment, even through school cooperative programs with local employers (co-op programs), is inhibiting social development and undermining an important sense of ownership. When asked why students work, she responded, “Some have to work. Then again, there are some kids who want to wear the best clothes, drive the best car. They think they have to.” So many seniors at High School A are employed in co-op programs, she recounted, that when they returned to rehearse for graduation ceremonies, “It was really weird. Some seniors who hadn’t seen kids for a long time didn’t realize the class was so big.” Moreover, she questioned the value of the work experience. Many students who are employed through the co-op program, which only requires them to work 15 hours a week, are employed in fast food restaurants, work split schedules, and, she suspects, sleep late in the morning. “They’re not going to know what it’s like to have an eight-hour-a-day job.”

In a historical context, one veteran teacher observed that students today are far more worldly and independent than they were when he first began teaching 30 years ago. “They basically take care of themselves. Some do a very good job and some need some help,” he said. “… I think they’re losing out. Both parents work; they’re always on the run. They all have to have a car … think they have to have a car.” Instead, he suggests, most need something far less tangible. “So many need structure, guidance, a firm hand, and they don’t have it.” As a result, he reports seeing more “unhappy” kids now. “They really have some deep problems; you can tell they have no home life.” He adds that, as always, some young people are angry, probably more than in the past. “I think they have more to be angry about.”

When asked why they worked, the vast majority of these students said they had gotten jobs to finance things their parents either could not afford or would not buy them, including and most prominently cars and automobile insurance. Some said that having a job enabled them to buy clothes and entertainment their parents could not afford or expected them to pay for on their own. A remarkable number of these young people reported being caught in the classic materialistic traps of adulthood, working to pay for the things they believe they must have to maintain the lifestyle they want and sacrificing quality of life for it. Significant peer pressure and the classic adolescent yearning for freedom that a car has long symbolized combined to push most of these young people into an altogether willing labor market.

The principal at High School A, like many concerned teachers and administrators at this and other schools, expressed concern about how many hours students work and its effect on their studies. However, he acknowledged that his school, perhaps like many others, depended upon support from many local businesses, and these businesses expected access to the low-cost labor force that this high school and others provided through its senior co-op program.

The principal at High School C estimated that 85 percent of juniors and seniors at the school were employed at some level. Some are permitted to leave school as part of the school-to-work program for one block of classes, but only for certain kinds of jobs or if their job reflects their Individual Graduation Plan.

While teachers at High School D expressed the belief that some of their students are principal breadwinners for their families, students at this school, like those at the other schools, reported that they had jobs to pay for things they wanted, most often a car, automobile insurance, and, to a lesser extent, clothes. Some said their parents could not afford to buy them a car or automobile insurance while others said their parents had insisted that they be responsible for this cost. Thus, for most of these young people, a job is clearly the means to transportation, and transportation is required to hold down a job. One teacher likened the “Catch 22” situation many of these young people find themselves in to that of “a rat chasing its tail. They have the car for the work, the job for the car.”

On the positive side, these case studies suggest that a large percentage of high school students are assuming a high level of responsibility for their own finances. Working students consistently suggested that they assume a remarkable level of independence, assuming responsibility for meeting many if not most of their own personal expenses, outside of housing. In addition to assuming responsibility for car payments, car insurance, the motivation for employment in most cases, students routinely reported generating their own spending money for clothing, food, and entertainment. Moreover, many are realizing through experience some of the lessons, including the adult-life traps of excessive materialism, about delayed gratification, the inadequacy of low-wage jobs, and the importance of financial planning, savings, and investment.

Only students at School C, the most rural school in the study group, appeared to be less financially independent, though a majority of juniors and seniors reported working part time. In this school, we met one student who reported that her mother would not permit her to work for fear that the demands of a job would interfere with her studies. Only a very small number of students, about three at each school, said they did not work because their families would not permit them to do so. Otherwise, students reported no parental objections to their work; indeed, many said they worked because their parents either encouraged or expected them to do so to meet their own expenses or refused to finance the things students wanted.

In the area of paid employment, we found real irony in a sophomore class of lower achievers, who vigorously protested their school’s (High School B) treatment of them. While paid employment demands a certain level of maturity and responsibility, some of these lower achievers suggested that the academic expectations they faced were far too demanding for them. “They expect too much of us. We’re just kids. They expect us to come and work all day, then work all night.” These same students fairly consistently acknowledged that they held jobs to support their "habits" or “hobbies” though many clearly were motivated by financial need. Many of the students we interviewed acknowledged, some laughingly, that their jobs precluded them from spending any, much less sufficient, time studying.

Drawing Strength from Social Capital

On the whole, our findings in these case studies mirror those of national studies that show involved parents help to strengthen academic performance and educational aspirations.(10) They also strongly suggest that the intangible ingredient that has come to be known as social capital may figure prominently in whether students pursue education beyond high school. In this case, social capital includes both broad citizen involvement in the life of a school and the formation of communities or social relationships within the school. Such social networks strengthen the capacity of schools and educators and offer students academic and emotional support.

In this case study group, High School A is clearly the exemplar. Here, we find parents who log a remarkable number of volunteer hours, a business community that actively supports and encourages the school’s academic and extracurricular pursuits, and an array of extracurricular activities that offer opportunities for every student to belong to smaller communities based on shared interests. Some of the smaller communities within these schools appeared to be having a very positive, nurturing effect on the lives of students. The sense of trust and shared commitment to the well-being of students was strongly evident.

A separate research track, which is detailed in Appendix B, sought to discover, among other things, whether the strength of ties to community among school personnel is linked to over- or underperformance. That is, we asked, does having a higher percentage of natives of the county—or graduates of the school—as part of the faculty improve postsecondary performance? We pursued this theory based upon early findings from a study of teacher transcripts that suggested a potential link, the theory being that those who have a stronger bond with the school or the community may have a higher commitment to success.

Overall, our examination of available teacher transcripts for 1998, the corresponding year of our multiple regression analysis, from the 10 highest and 10 lowest performing high schools found no significant difference between them in regard to the ties of teachers to the community. That is, we found no evidence that having a higher percentage of natives of the area or graduates of the high school serve as principals, teachers, and guidance counselors had an effect on the percentage of students who went on to college.

The schools selected as subjects for these case studies, however, suggest that social capital or ties to place may be important to success, an assertion that runs counter to the usual assumption that imported talent is a strength in our undereducated state. A considerably larger percentage of faculty for whom we were able to secure transcripts at our overperforming schools were either from the county in which the school is located or actually attended the high school where they now teach. At High School B, which has the highest college-going rate among these schools and meets performance expectations based upon our analysis, a remarkable 45 percent of the faculty, including guidance counselors, actually went to the high school. The percentage increases to 55 percent when we include faculty from the county, to 77 percent when faculty from adjacent counties are included, and to 84 percent when we include those from the region (that is, no more than two counties between their home county and the county where they now teach).

We also found evidence of strong ties to place among the faculty of High School A, our highest performer. Specifically, 36 percent of High School A’s faculty was either from the county in which it is located or attended the high school where its members now teach; only 19 percent actually attended the same high school. When those from adjacent counties are included, the percentage increases to 48 percent and to 62 percent when those from the region are included.

We found slightly weaker ties to place at High School C; 24 percent of High School C’s faculty for whom we could secure transcripts are from the county, all of whom attended the high school. When we expand that to include those from an adjacent county, however, the percentage rises to 48 percent, and to 62 percent when we examine the region which is predominantly rural and likely home to shared values.

At High School D the social capital from which to draw is, in all likelihood, weaker still due to an altogether different population makeup. Only 14 percent of the faculty actually attended the high school. The percentage rises to 22 percent when we examine available transcripts to determine what percentage are actually natives of the county. The social dynamics of the county, however, are, according to faculty, such that the various socioeconomic classes of this populous county are quite segregated. The percentage of faculty with seemingly close ties rises to more than half (54 percent) when adjacent counties are taken into consideration, but the number is deceptive in that many teachers are drawn from an adjacent metropolitan county that has a dramatically different identity than this county’s.

Indeed, some teachers at this school lamented the fact that such a large percentage of the school’s faculty come from this adjacent county and have no real ties to the community. They indicated that more than half of the faculty commute from outside the county. As a result, a respected teacher observed, “There’s not a significant investment in this county … no roots beyond a paycheck.”

Concluding Observations

As this qualitative examination of selected schools suggests, a number of factors, most of which are intangible, appear to exert a strong influence on the performance of schools in regard to postsecondary outcomes. For example, the attitudes of formal school leaders towards their fellow educators and, most importantly, towards the students they are responsible for educating are key to the success of students.

Moreover, these intangibles can overcome incredible odds. Just as the Education Trust shows in its recent national analysis of high-performance schools, the socioeconomic variables that some believe predetermine performance are being systematically overridden in thousands of public schools across the United States. Nationally, more than 4,500 of what the Education Trust terms “high-flying” elementary and secondary schools educate more than 2 million students. It is heartening to learn that half of these high-performing schools with high poverty rates are located in rural areas or small towns, which suggests that the possibilities for Kentucky’s future are only limited by the scope of our vision. While just 37 percent of students are low income nationally, 72 percent of students in these high-performing, high-poverty schools are poor.(11) In short, just as our case studies suggest, schools can and do beat considerable socioeconomic odds, but only when their leaders, from the front office to the classroom, are committed to the challenge.

Table 1 illustrates the role that a number of the intangible factors we identified appear to play in school performance. Plus or minus signs indicate whether the factor is positive or negative; in some cases, we show a combination of the two signs, indicating a mixed influence. The first sign represents the more dominant one.

Table 1: Factors Influencing Postsecondary Outcomes

Our findings will not surprise those who understand the fundamental requirements of education reform. That is, if educators do not believe in the potential of their students, provide consistent, positive support and reinforcement, and set high expectations for them, young people are unlikely to thrive academically or socially. Certainly, they are unlikely to overcome home influences that range from poverty, isolation, and violence to the systematic devaluation of education and, ultimately, of these young people’s lives.

While higher education is clearly not for everyone, a truth we too often forget, that this opportunity is being lost to so many young people in our state who have the capacity to achieve and to know the fullness of a truly prosperous life is indeed a failing of our educational system. And this system is not a nebulous form but rather the neighborhood school, a place where young lives are literally being shaped, for better or worse. Because each failure of this system becomes a virtually incalculable social and economic loss for our state, it is clearly in our collective interest, even if our only connection to local schools is that of paying the taxes that help support them, to ensure that what every school and every educator achieves is the very best possible result.

Ultimately, all of us are enriched by an educated populace, just as we have struggled as a state throughout the 20th century to overcome the liability of an undereducated one. As Amy Watts has shown in Education and the Common Good, each of these losses of human potential directly exacts a toll in, among other things, prisons and welfare benefits, and indirectly fosters the loss of important intangible benefits such as the volunteer hours that more educated citizens consistently dedicate to the betterment of their communities. Thus, each of us not only has a role to play in urging, prodding, and pushing education to its highest possible level of achievement but a clear stake in its success. In essence, we are part of the intangible force that helps make high schools, indeed all schools, places that consistently value young people and continuously strive not only to educate them but also to show them the value of learning and guide them to a successful future.

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Footnotes